If properly designed, adequately funded, and responsibly implemented, decentralised policing could transform Nigeria’s security landscape and significantly enhance its attractiveness as an investment destination an enable Nigeria achieve its one trillion dollar economy which it envisages it can attain latest 2030. Such an outcome would mark a dramatic departure from the country’s current reputation as a high-risk environment for investment and economic activity.
BY deploying technology in the fight against insecurity, which has assumed the dimension of a major scourge in Nigeria, Enugu State Governor, Dr. Peter Mbah has become a standout governor, at least with respect to protecting citizens from the enemies of society who have chosen to take up arms against Nigerians. These outlaws, manifesting as bandits who evolved from cattle rustlers into kidnappers for ransom, as well as religious insurgents who have transformed themselves into terrorists, have been ravaging the hinterlands, particularly across the entire northern axis of our beloved country.
In a similar manner, agitators for a sovereign Biafran state who have transformed into ethnic nationalists have been wreaking havoc in the East to the extent that their violent activities are threatening to cripple the economy of the Southeast. This has occurred through the forceful enforcement of a sit-at-home order imposed on the people of the region by separatists who have chosen to pursue their agenda through the barrel of the gun—a barbaric approach—instead of negotiating their aspirations around a roundtable, as civilised people do, no matter how long it takes.
The South-South and South-West regions, which were relatively safe, especially the Niger Delta region benefited from the de-escalation of resource-control agitation by militants through the dexterous management of the crisis under the administration of the late President Umaru Yar’Adua (2007–2010). Similarly, the Southwest was calmed after the nationalist tendencies that stirred separatist activities led by Sunday Igboho, an Oduduwa Nation agitator, were addressed. Unfortunately, the insecurity that has overwhelmed the North bordering on banditory and kidnapping for ransom is now alarmingly spilling from the North-Central states of Kwara and Kogi into the erstwhile southern safe zones through a growing wave of kidnappings and other violent crimes of brutal dimensions.
These incidents have increasingly occurred in Ekiti, Ondo, and Oyo States, where children and teachers abducted over a month and a half ago reportedly remain in the custody of criminals who have substituted cattle rustling with the abduction of human beings for ransom demands and collection.
To the credit of Enugu State Governor, Dr. Peter Mbah, his accomplishments in the security sphere have been demonstrated in the public space through evidence suggesting that his state has been insulated from the specter of insecurity currently bedeviling Nigeria. By leveraging technology to secure the lives and property of residents, he has established a model from which fellow governors—especially those whose states have been besieged or overwhelmed by insecurity—can draw valuable lessons.
As a result, Enugu State is increasingly being cited as one of the safest states in Nigeria due to its effective deployment of advanced technology in security management. The recommendation of the Enugu security model is underscored by the fact that Governor Mbah has succeeded, to the delight of residents, in transforming the state into a safe haven for law-abiding citizens and a no-go area for criminals.
This reputation for security is one that can be replicated across all 36 states of the federation for the peace, stability, and progress of our critically challenged country.
Although the cost of acquiring and deploying technology can be prohibitive, there is confidence in recommending its adoption because more funds are now flowing to the states under the Tinubu administration. This increased revenue is largely attributable to the removal of petrol subsidies, which had functioned like a black hole in Nigeria’s treasury for nearly four decades until President Bola Tinubu ended the regime at his inauguration on May 29, 2023.
Hopefully, the bold and far-reaching decision by President Tinubu to reform Nigeria’s policing structure will produce an equally transformative impact on the nation’s security architecture, much in the same way that the removal of petrol subsidies has begun reshaping the country’s economic fundamentals. This progress has been acknowledged by both local and international economy rating agencies, although the full benefits ir dividends of democracy have yet to be felt by the majority of Nigerians which is responsible for the growing feeling of despondency in the country.
Incidentally, the technology-driven security architecture now deployed in Enugu State was once proposed for Abuja, but it never materialised, as will be discussed later. First, however, it is important to briefly examine the origins and evolution of insecurity in Nigeria, which has now assumed alarming proportions.
Since the return to democratic rule in 1999, insecurity has steadily worsened. While earlier manifestations of religious extremism, such as the Maitatsine riots, were suppressed through military force, the democratic era witnessed the emergence of Boko Haram under the banner of religious advocacy Over time, insecurity evolved beyond insurgency as banditry flourished in Nigeria’s vast ungoverned spaces and forest reserves.
The consequences have been devastating. In many rural communities, residents reportedly pay protection levies to bandits, while parents in high-risk areas keep their children out of school for fear of abduction and ransom demands. This reality has contributed significantly to Nigeria’s out-of-school children crisis, which is estimated at between 15 and 20 million.
Successive administrations since 1999 have struggled to contain the menace despite largely relying on kinetic approaches. Nearly three years into his tenure, President Bola Tinubu appears to have concluded that a lasting solution requires a fundamental restructuring of Nigeria’s policing architecture. This explains the current efforts to amend the 1999 Constitution to accommodate state policing.
The idea is not new. As far back as 1999, the administration of President Olusegun Obasanjo proposed the establishment of state police through then-Minister of Information Dapo Sarumi. The proposal, however, was resisted by governors who were unwilling to shoulder the financial burden of policing, a responsibility then firmly placed under the Federal Government through the Exclusive Legislative List.
Today, circumstances have changed. Faced with escalating insecurity and the limitations of a centralised policing system, many governors appear more receptive to state police. Yet, the crucial question of funding remains unresolved, particularly amid longstanding demands by states for a larger share of federally collected revenues.
Despite this challenge, President Tinubu has demonstrated a willingness to pursue reforms that previous administrations avoided. The removal of petrol subsidies and the managed flotation of the naira are notable examples. Though both policies have imposed short-term hardships, they have also increased funds available to governments, creating opportunities for investments in critical sectors such as security which should be priotised over building edifice and fanciful flyover bridges , airports and stadium.
Against this backdrop, Nigeria may be approaching a new phase in its security journey. If properly implemented and adequately funded, state policing—supported by modern technology and intelligence-driven operations—could significantly reduce the threats to lives and property that have plagued the nation for decades.
Frankly , the opposition parties’ agitation that the introduction of state police should wait until after election is purely a political talk. The need for state police of which there is a consensus of opinion across party lines is urgent and can not wait. In my view, it is as puerile as the call that political activities should stop until our compatriots in kidnappers den are released.
Any further delay in rejigging the system to be suitable in combating insecurity is dangerous.
It reminds me of the general agreement by Nigerians that the removal of petrol subsidy is inevitable, but the timing of its removal by Tinubu was wrong, and they could have done it differently. The truth is that there is no way that subsidies removal would not be painful but it needed a bold leader to take the bull by the horn as it were. For that decision, today Nigerian economy is on track to be out of the woods.
Mr. President, having apparently given marching orders to the relevant branches and organs of government to devise sustainable solutions to Nigeria’s unacceptable insecurity crisis, may have seen the manifestation of that directive in June when the Nigerian Senate took steps towards making the Constitution Alteration Bill aimed at creating a legal framework for state-level policing a reality.
The progress followed the presentation of a State Police Bill by the Presidency. It also came on the heels of the House of Representatives’ consideration of a similar constitutional amendment bill designed to accommodate state policing within the legal framework of the Federal Republic of Nigeria.
Given the foregoing, although the introduction of state police in Nigeria appears inevitable, that is far from the current reality, as significant legislative and procedural hurdles remain.
Here Is Why.
There are currently two separate state police bills before the National Assembly (NASS).
The first is a Constitutional Amendment Bill seeking to amend Section 214 and related provisions of the 1999 Constitution to accommodate state police. The second is an Executive Bill from the Presidency proposing the operational framework governing the relationship between the existing Nigeria Police Force and the proposed state police formations.
Both initiatives remain works in progress because harmonisation between the Senate and House versions has yet to be completed. Unfortunately, many Nigerians have been left with the impression that state police have already become law.
Put simply, there are two different state police bills before the National Assembly, and many observers have conflated them.
The first is the Constitutional Amendment Bill, championed by the House Committee on Constitution Review under the leadership of Deputy Speaker Benjamin Kalu. The bill seeks to amend Sections 214, 215, and parts of the Third Schedule of the 1999 Constitution to create state police formations.
The House reportedly passed the bill overwhelmingly, although reports vary on the final voting figures. However, even where the Senate has completed its readings and debates, the bill can not become law until both chambers reconcile their differences and agree on a unified text. While the Senate version has about 26 clauses, the house one has 18.
After the harmonisation, the approval by at least 24 of Nigeria’s 36 State Houses of Assembly will be required before the bill is transmitted to the President for assent.
The provisions relating to the National Police Council, State Police Commissions, operational safeguards, and non-interference mechanisms are contained within the constitutional amendment bill.
While the second bill is the Executive or Presidency Bill, which many people mistakenly believe has already been passed but it is essentially a State Police Establishment Framework Bill designed to regulate how state police will operate after the Constitution has been amended. It was presented to the Senate by Senate majority leader,Bamidele Opeyemi.
Using a building analogy, the constitutional amendment is the foundation, while the Executive Bill provides the architectural and operational blueprint. Without the constitutional amendment, the operational framework can not take effect.
As matters currently stand, the next critical stage is harmonisation, as l had earlier stated that both chambers have passed different versions, as such a joint conference committee is expected to reconcile them into a single unified bill.
For emphasis as of July 2026, the House and Senate versions reportedly differ substantially. The House version contains 18 clauses, while the Senate version contains 26 clauses and seven transitional provisions. The differences must be resolved. Once harmonised, the unified bill must return to both chambers for final concurrence before proceeding to the state legislatures for ratification.
In light of the above, the confusion surrounding the status of state police legislation can largely be attributed to three factors:
First, timing. Both bills were introduced and debated within a similar timeframe in April and May 2026.
Second, media headlines. Reports that “the Senate supports state police” were often used interchangeably for both the constitutional amendment and the Executive Bill.
Third, policy documentation. The comprehensive framework reportedly submitted by the Inspector-General of Police, Tunji Disu, was a policy proposal intended to guide legislation, not legislation itself.
Consequently, neither version of the state police proposal has yet completed the full legislative process required to become law.
The constitutional amendment remains the gatekeeper, while the Executive Bill serves as the operational manual that follows. In essence, the constitutional amendment sponsored through the House process provides the legal superstructure upon which the Presidency’s operational framework will rest.
Having clarified the legislative position, it is appropriate to return to Governor Peter Mbah’s technology-driven security model in Enugu State, which bears similarities to a security initiative previously attempted in the Federal Capital Territory (FCT).
Before examining why the FCT initiative failed, it is worth taking a closer look at the Enugu model itself.
With state policing now advancing through the legislative process, Enugu’s experience has become increasingly relevant. Indeed, every state in the federation should study Governor Mbah’s technology-driven approach as a possible template for combating the marauders currently leaving sorrow, tears, and bloodshed in their wake
Technology is indispensable to the success of state policing. The centralised policing structure struggled partly because no Inspector-General of Police could effectively supervise security operations across Nigeria’s 774 local government areas. However, state police without technological support would merely amount to more officers carrying more weapons while employing the same predominantly kinetic approach that has struggled to contain insecurity.
Governor Mbah’s model offers a more modern alternative. At its center is a sophisticated command-and-control platform through which security agencies can monitor developments across the state in real time rather than relying solely on field reports and emergency calls.
Using Artificial Intelligence (AI), Automated Number Plate Recognition (ANPR) technology, surveillance cameras, and other digital tools, law enforcement agencies can track vehicles and criminal suspects across local government boundaries with greater efficiency.
In addition, dashboard recording systems and body cameras promote accountability, reduce abuses, and provide evidence that can strengthen criminal prosecutions.
Through this integrated approach, policing is transformed into a modern intelligence-led crime-fighting system. More importantly, technology helps reduce the risk of state police being converted into political militias, a concern often raised by opponents of decentralised policing.
To replicate Enugu’s success and avoid the mistakes that undermined earlier initiatives in Abuja, legislative approval alone will not suffice. Funding and execution are equally critical.
If states merely recruit more officers and purchase more firearms without investing in technology, the same failures will likely be repeated.
States should, therefore, begin modestly by establishing command centers supported by surveillance-equipped patrol vehicles and integrated monitoring systems. Results should be evaluated before expansion.
Another lesson from Enugu is the importance of diversified funding. The Enugu State Security Trust Fund (ESSTF) has helped attract private-sector participation, thereby reducing reliance on statutory allocations alone. This model deserves consideration by other states, especially those with limited internally generated revenue.
Equally important is maintenance. Technology investments require stable electricity, fibre-optic connectivity, and trained analysts. Governor Mbah’s integration of security infrastructure with smart schools and independent power initiatives offers a useful example.
The establishment of forensic infrastructure, including DNA laboratories, is another critical component. Without forensic capabilities, state police risk becoming little more than “catch-and-release” institutions incapable of securing convictions.
Lagos state already has a very robust Lagos Security Trust Fund, LSSTF.
Deploying technology to combat Insecurity in the manner Mbah has done in Enugu by setting up.a comand centre with complementary infrastructure is inevitable and it can be achieved in short space of time given the facilities already on ground and its enormous lGR revenue.
Governor Mbah’s recognition of the link between security and economic development is also commendable. The proposition that there can be no investment without security has resonated strongly with stakeholders.
For states such as Benue, Plateau, Zamfara, and Kaduna, where insecurity has inflicted enormous economic damage, technology-driven policing may ultimately prove less costly than the annual losses suffered through abandoned farms, disrupted education, and declining investment.
With increasing Federation Account Allocation Committee (FAAC) revenues and the prospect of state policing, state governments may soon possess both the resources and the legal authority needed to improve security and stimulate economic growth.
If five or six states successfully pilot variants of the Enugu Command Center model between 2026 and 2027, Nigeria will gain valuable insight into how quickly the concept can be scaled nationally.
From Abuja’s $470M CCTV Ghost to Enugu’s Tech Command Center.
The irony is that while Nigeria is still repaying a $470M China Exim loan for Abuja CCTV that’s “non-functional”Enugu claims 80% drop in violent crimes in the state using AI cameras and drones.
What Killed Abuja’s CCTV, 2010-2015?
(1) The contract, not capacity, because it was awarded to ZTE of China via $470M loan without BPP’s Certificate of No Objection.
(2) There was no provision for Operation Expenses, OPEX so the system was completed in 2012 but FG failed to to provide money to buy fuel to power the electricity generators after which the cameras got vandalised, and also became obsolete even as they remained unmaintained.
(3) Also, there was no integration for the 2,000 cameras. Hence, no criminal activity was ever detected as the Police, DSS, and FRSC were never linked to it.
When the scenario above is contrasted with the Enugu model, it will be clear why Abuja failed and Enugu is performing.
Like every reform, however, state policing carries risks.
Without strong federal standards and independent oversight, some governors may be tempted to deploy surveillance technologies against political opponents rather than criminals. Similar allegations have surfaced in the past,when an incoming governor allegded that an outgoing one used a tracking system acquired to kidnappers was used to monitor him with a view to sabotage him,reinforcing the need for robust accountability mechanisms.
As a benchmark, a comparison between Nigeria’s proposed state policing model and the American system is necessary as it will be instructive. In the United States, state police operate alongside local police departments, sheriffs, and federal law enforcement agencies. State policing is, therefore, not a new concept but an established component of a decentralised security architecture that has evolved over more than a century.
In contrast Nigeria’s proposal represents a major structural shift from a single national police force to a dual federal-state policing arrangement in the likeliness of the US. Consequently, there are valuable lessons to be learned from the American experience, particularly given Nigeria’s adoption of a presidential system of government. So more than any other system,Nigeria’s state policing should be modeled after the US one.
If properly designed, adequately funded, and responsibly implemented, decentralised policing could transform Nigeria’s security landscape and significantly enhance its attractiveness as an investment destination an enable Nigeria achieve its one trillion dollar economy which it envisages it can attain latest 2030. Such an outcome would mark a dramatic departure from the country’s current reputation as a high-risk environment for investment and economic activity.
The ball, as they say, is now in the court of the state governors and assemblies as they are constitutionally duty bound to ratify the constitutional amendment and the new act passed by the National Assembly for state police.
Each state and region has its peculiarities, but collectively, they have funding challenge,particularly the less urbanised and therefore lack alternative sources of revenue. That is what has been driving the agitations for a review of the current revenue sharing formula.
Also, the yet to be implemented supreme court judgment on direct allocation of funds to LGA’s,if implemented, should enable them to also have local police similar to state police arrangement.
Now, l had made the case in the past in this column that monarchs/paramount rulers and chiefs should be empowered at the grassroots level to be involved in the management of security in the new decentralised policing arrangements because they are closer to the people at the grassroots level, great mobilisers and have ears to the ground and would therefore be the source of intelligence which is currently lacking in the fight against insecurity.
Traditional rulers in my view should be empowered to be first responders in combating outlaws but they can only do so effectively if they are put in the security loop and officially equipped to serve as first responders to enable them help nip crimes in the bud and thus prevent escalation.
The onus is now on state governors and their houses of assembly to push that case so that it can be added to the new clauses in the new law – 26 by the Senate ,18 by the House of Representatives.
The nation awaits a holistic, robust, and all-encompassing new architecture for slaying the orgre of insecurity rampaging around our country with impunity.
- Magnus Onyibe, an entrepreneur, public policy analyst, author, democracy advocate, development strategist, an alumnus of the Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy, Tufts University, Massachusetts, USA, a Commonwealth Institute scholar, and a former commissioner in the Delta State government, sent this piece from Lagos.
